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"If enacted, this would be the largest transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich in a single law in U.S. history."
The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said Tuesday that the Republican legislation speeding through the U.S. House of Representatives would cut household resources for the bottom 10% of Americans while delivering gains to the wealthiest in the form of tax breaks.
"If enacted, this would be the largest transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich in a single law in U.S. history," Bobby Kogan, senior director of federal budget policy at the Center for American Progress, said in response to the CBO analysis, which was released shortly before the start of a dead-of-night House Rules Committee hearing on the Republican reconciliation package.
On average, according to the CBO, U.S. households would "see an increase in the resources provided to them by the government over the 2026–2034 period."
But the resources "would not be evenly distributed among households," the CBO found, estimating that "in general, resources would decrease for households in the lowest decile (tenth) of the income distribution, whereas resources would increase for households in the highest decile."
"This is what Republicans are fighting for—lining the pockets of their billionaire donors while children go hungry and families get kicked off their healthcare."
The analysis takes into account an extension of soon-to-expire provisions of the 2017 Trump-GOP tax cuts as well as Republicans' push for around $1 trillion in combined cuts to Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), which would primarily harm low-income Americans.
"The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office's unprecedented analysis has confirmed what Democrats have known to be true—the GOP Tax Scam will hurt working families the most while delivering massive tax breaks for billionaires like Elon Musk," said House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), who joined Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.) in requesting the distributional analysis.
"Any claims otherwise are intentionally deceptive regarding the Republican plans to rip healthcare away from nearly 14 million Americans and take food out of the mouths of millions of people, including children and seniors," said Jeffries. "Republicans are attempting to quickly jam this unpopular legislation through the House because they know that the longer they wait, the more will come to light about this cruel and unconscionable bill. For a party that claims to be for the working class, this analysis indicates the opposite."
Boyle, the ranking member of the House Budget Committee, said that "this is what Republicans are fighting for—lining the pockets of their billionaire donors while children go hungry and families get kicked off their healthcare."
"CBO's nonpartisan analysis makes it crystal clear: [President] Donald Trump and House Republicans are selling out the middle class to make the ultra-rich even richer. Every word out of Trump's mouth about helping working Americans was a lie."
The CBO also said Tuesday that the Republican reconciliation package, which Trump has championed, would trigger automatic cuts to Medicare spending—reductions that the nonpartisan body did not factor into its distributional analysis.
The CBO's analysis also did not include the impact of a tentative deal to boost the cap on state and local tax deductions (SALT), a change that would primarily benefit wealthy households.
"This reported SALT deal and accelerated Medicaid cuts would make the bill even more effective at transferring resources from low-income to high-income households," said Brendan Duke of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, referring to GOP hardliners' push for an earlier start date for Medicaid work requirements, which experts have decried as cruel and ineffective.
I understand that you, like so many of us, are overwhelmed. But with respect, that is not an excuse. You are a leader in the Democratic Party, and leadership in this moment demands more.
I’ve worked on Democratic campaigns at every level—from city council to Congress—knocking doors in the rain, training volunteers in living rooms, and flipping districts no one thought we could win. But today, I’m not writing from the field. I’m writing from a place of deep urgency. As someone who has helped build Democratic power from the ground up, I can’t stay quiet about what I see at the top: too much caution, too much delay, and not nearly enough fight.
During a bout of insomnia, I found myself thinking not just about what’s wrong—but about what we can do. The tools Democratic leadership still has, even in the minority. Like many others awake at 5:00 am, somewhere between dread and determination, I sat down to write a letter to my representatives—two of whom also happen to be party leaders.
In it, I shared the frustration that so many Democrats are feeling: that our elected officials are not rising to meet the urgency of this moment. But I didn’t stop at critique. I laid out real, tangible strategies—actions I believe we can take, and must, before it’s too late.
Even in the minority, Democrats still have tools—filibusters, discharge petitions, amendments, withholding unanimous consent. These tactics should be used not sparingly, but relentlessly, to stall extremist overreach and force accountability.
With Republicans holding only a slim majority in both chambers, many votes require every GOP member to be present. That means well-timed delay tactics—whether procedural roadblocks or quorum pressure—can significantly disrupt daily proceedings and deny legitimacy to the Trump administration’s agenda.
Read Project 2025 and Trump’s authoritarian policies into the Congressional Record. Bring activists and experts to testify. Turn committee hearings into moments of truth and visibility—not just for legislation, but for resistance.
Public hearings and press conferences should feature not just elected officials, but activists, whistleblowers, and legal experts. Let them speak on the record about what’s at stake. Turn the machinery of Congress into a spotlight—not just for legislation, but for truth-telling, narrative building, and grassroots solidarity.
While federal oversight may stall under a hostile administration, state attorneys general can still investigate, subpoena, and prosecute. Democratic leaders should coordinate and publicly support legal action at the state level—especially in cases of insider trading, abuse of power, and the politicization of federal agencies during the Trump years.
Importantly, state-level prosecutions cannot be pardoned by the president. That independence makes them one of the most effective tools we have for securing real consequences. These legal efforts can also serve as a deterrent, a signal that public service does not grant impunity—and that even in a divided government, justice is not off the table.
President Donald Trump’s prior administration targeted career civil servants with ideological purges, abrupt terminations, and politically motivated firings. USAID employees, diplomats, scientists, and inspectors general were removed or undermined—often without cause or recourse.
Democratic leaders should stand with these workers by supporting their lawsuits, amplifying their stories, and publicly defending civil service protections. The dismantling of a nonpartisan public workforce is a hallmark of authoritarianism. Defending that workforce is a line we cannot allow to be crossed again.
State and local governments don’t have to wait for federal reform to challenge ICE and the private prison industry. Democratic governors, mayors, and legislatures can cancel contracts, deny facility permits, and even pursue legal tools like eminent domain to reclaim control of detention sites.
These actions send a powerful signal: Cities and states will not be complicit in dehumanization. But there’s also a tactical layer—legal pushback forces major law firms to spend their pledged pro bono hours fighting complex eminent domain cases, rather than quietly defending Trump administration allies in high-profile federal court battles. Local resistance doesn’t just disrupt ICE—it redistributes institutional resources and applies pressure to power from multiple angles.
These are just a few of the actions we can take. I put them—along with a call to act—into a letter to my representatives. What follows is that letter, shared publicly in the hope that it inspires others to raise their voices, too.
Dear Senator Schumer and Congressman Jeffries,
My name is Laura Hughes. I’ve worked as a Democratic campaign organizer for over eight years, and I’m currently pursuing a Master’s in Public Administration at Columbia University. I share this because I want to be clear: I’m writing not just to voice frustration, but to urge action—with both urgency and strategy.
Let me begin by acknowledging what I know to be true: You, like so many of us, are overwhelmed. But with respect, that is not an excuse. You are a leader in the Democratic Party, and leadership in this moment demands more.
We are watching institutions unravel: People are being disappeared, federal departments are dismantled, the economy is unstable, rule of law is violated, and corruption is normalized. This is not a time for business as usual. We cannot afford to stand on ceremony when the floor is collapsing beneath us.
People are in the streets. They are looking to you—not just for speeches, but for strategy.
In both chambers of Congress, Democrats should be leveraging every procedural and political tool available. If Mitch McConnell taught us anything, it’s that a slim majority is no excuse for inaction. Senator Cory Booker had the right idea: We should filibuster more. We should obstruct more. We should use amendments, discharge petitions, and parliamentary procedure to grind every harmful effort to a halt. Invite activists to testify and disrupt proceedings. Read Project 2025 and every authoritarian overreach into the Congressional Record.
Make it harder for them—every single day.
Here are additional actions I urge you and your colleagues to consider:
1. Support legal accountability by encouraging state attorneys general to investigate and, where appropriate, indict former Trump administration officials for clear acts of corruption—such as insider trading or abuse of power.
2. Back civil service lawsuits—stand with civil servants whose careers and safety were jeopardized by abrupt terminations and dangerous policy shifts, such as those at USAID.
3. Empower local governments to resist ICE by encouraging Democratic governors, mayors, and state legislatures to end contracts with private detention centers, shutter ICE offices, and pursue creative legal mechanisms—like eminent domain—to challenge federal overreach and private prison profiteering.
I share these not as an outsider, but as someone who has dedicated her career to building Democratic power from the ground up. I believe in what we’re capable of—but I also believe we are failing to meet this moment.
I hope this letter reaches you not just as a call to act, but as a reminder: History will remember who resisted and who stood back.
With urgency and resolve,
Laura Anne Hughes
Constituent
Organizer
Policy Student
I wrote this letter out of urgency, but I’m sharing it out of hope. Because we still have time to turn the tide—if we’re willing to use every tool at our disposal. I’m asking our leaders to rise to the moment. And I’m asking all of us continue to demand that they do.
Democratic leaders "helped create the conditions for this framing anti-genocide speech as antisemitic/terrorism," said one journalist.
The two highest-ranking Democratic members of Congress both call New York City home, but even with their personal connection to the city where immigration agents abducted a recent Columbia University graduate for his involvement in pro-Palestinian protests, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have had little to say about Saturday night's arrest.
Amid mounting calls from House progressives and advocacy groups for the immediate release of Mahmoud Khalil on Monday evening, Jeffries released a statement that one local rights group derided as "word salad," starting by accepting the Trump administration's narrative about the former student who helped organize last year's Palestinian solidarity encampment.
"To the extent his actions were inconsistent with Columbia University policy and created an unacceptable hostile academic environment for Jewish students and others, there is a serious university disciplinary process that can handle the matter," said Jeffries, calling on the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to "produce facts and evidence of criminal activity... such as providing material support for a terrorist organization."
Jeffries noted that the Trump administration's arrest and detention of Khalil—which were carried out under the State Department's "catch and revoke" program—"are wildly inconsistent with the United States Constitution." His statement contrasted starkly with those of his progressive colleagues including Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), who warned that the Trump administration is signaling "they can disappear US citizens too," and demanded Khalil's release.
The House leader's statement came after a federal judge blocked the administration from removing Khalil from the U.S. and reviewed a petition saying his detention is unlawful. Khalil is a legal resident with a green card and a citizen of Algeria.
The statement from Jeffries—who has faced condemnation for suggesting Democrats are powerless to stop President Donald Trump from imposing his agenda and has privately complained about demands for action from advocacy groups—offered the latest evidence that "he is impressively unsuited to the moment," as writer Noah Kulwin said.
Schumer, who is "the most powerful politician in New York State, and the highest ranking American Jewish elected official—locally famous for his retail politics and shaking everyone's hands at local events," had not released a statement on Khalil's detention at press time, noted local historian and community organizer Asad Dandia.
"Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer are not the men for this moment in history," saidNew Yorker staff writer Jay Caspian Kang. "So obvious and gets more obvious by the day."
Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) abduction of Khalil and efforts to have him deported—with Trump warning his arrest will be the "first of many"—came as Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that under the "catch and revoke" program, the administration "will be revoking the visas and/or green cards of Hamas supporters in America so they can be deported." On Sunday, DHS said the arrest was carried out "in support of President Trump's executive orders prohibiting antisemitism."
Supporters of Trump's actions have pointed to videos of Khalil being interviewed last year about the Columbia encampment and organizers' negotiations with Columbia officials to push for divestment from companies that have profited from Israel's policies in Gaza and the West Bank.
"Our demands are clear, our demands are regarding divestment from the Israeli occupation, the companies that are profiting and contributing to the genocide of our people," said Khalil in one video.
Adalah-NY, which supports calls for a boycott of Israel to protest its oppression and violence against Palestinians, said it was "no coincidence" that Jeffries offered tacit approval of the accusations against Khalil, considering his longtime vocal support for Israel.
"Fire Hakeem Jeffries," said Track AIPAC, which keeps track of donations lawmakers receive from the powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Jeffries has taken $1.6 million from the lobbying group.
Musician Soul Khan asked whether Jeffries and Schumer are "trying to get Mahmoud Khalil out of ICE detention and ensure the security of his green card status," calling his abduction "the most urgent domestic crisis happening right now."
Journalist Kylie Cheung called Khalil's abduction, along with the order to "single out, detain, persecute someone for their political speech" coming directly from the president, "the purest distillation of fascism."
But with Democratic leaders, including former President Joe Biden, joining Republicans in claiming that student-led protests against Israel's U.S.-backed assault on Gaza were endangering Jewish students, said Cheung, the party "helped create the conditions for this framing [of] anti-genocide speech as antisemitic/terrorism."